The sega on Rodrigues Island

Sega is a term for a form of singing and dancing music found in all the islands of the South-West Indian Ocean region. But in Rodrigues, the term also encompasses a whole musical behavior that punctuates social life. While some scholars  believe that the word "sega" comes from the word "tshega" which, in Swahili, means to roll up one's dress or skirt, a gesture that can be found in the sega dance, others make an interesting comparison with a term found in the American-Caribbean area in the form of  "chika" or "cheka"  and which would designate in the same way local dances. In the past, the term would have referred to all the musical and dance manifestations that slaves brought with them from their time at sea, rather than a single specific musical genre that would be disseminated from one island to another. Because, it must be taken into account that on slave ships, some slaves practiced strange dances known as "chéga" and the fact that they brought them ashore could be the major factor in their dissemination.

Over time and influenced by their new environmental and social context, the songs and dances are said to have undergone modifications to become the " Maloya" in Reunion Island, the " Sega tremble" which slowed down a lot to become the "Moutia" in the Seychelles, and the " Sega typique" in Mauritius. Only the island of Rodrigues has been able to jealously preserve the original speed of performance of the dance, as observed in certain music of the East African coast, mainly in Madagascar from which it probably derives its origins. The reason could be that there existed no real commercial and human movements between Rodrigues and the other islands in the region.

While Rodriguans' musical behaviour has always been regulated by a bi-musical tradition, the sega tambour, which arrived on the island in the context of the great abolitionist movement of the 1820s and rose as an element of resistance against attempts at "de-Africanization" by the Church and the East Indian Company, has always dominated the musical scene to the point of positioning itself as the trademark of the island's traditional music. As confirmed in the first testimonies of Father Jean-Marie Pivault who, commenting on the musical practices underway in Rodrigues in 1868, noted that “Les Rodriguais sont des gens très pieux ; ils observent les commandements, se rendent à la messe le dimanche et à la confesse au moins une fois l’an, mais au sortir de l’église, ils s’adonnent de plus belle à leur danse favorite, le séga, qu’ils dansent au son du tambour-nègre ».

Translation: "The Rodriguans are very pious people; They observe the commandments, go to Mass on Sundays and to confession at least once a year, but when they leave the church, they devote themselves more and more to their favorite dance, the sega, which they dance to the sound of the Negro drum."

In Rodrigues, sega comes in three forms: the "séga-tambour", the "séga-kordeon", and the "séga-mango", also called "sega-zarico" (bean-planting sega).

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The “Bal Sega tambour”

The “Bal Sega tambour” is a very popular musical event consisting of dances and songs accompanied by the rodriguan drum, the triangle and some idiophones, including shells, the "katia-katia¹", the "mayos²", empty food cans rubbed against one another, and much more. Since this practice was strictly forbidden by the Church, the European descendants and even those “mountaineers” who considered themselves close to the clergy were careful not to organize it in their own homes. Nevertheless, the men regularly participated in it despite the vigilance of their wary wives.

The “Bal Sega tambour” is a moment of great intensity that combines the pleasure of music and dance with that of exchanging, through singing, the news of the week. The invitation is made verbally a few days before the day of the ball, but a reminder is normally provided by the "sizing" of the drum on the morning of the event. As the ball is held under the open sky, the invitation is open to all, especially those who have some "appetizing" gossip to share. However, even though this is the only occasion when women reign supreme in a patriarchal society, social conventions do not look favourably on the participation of married women in this gathering of great rejoicings, as the festival is considered by some to be a popular debauch party.

The evening party is set up like music paper, under the command of a "maréchale³", who very often has come from far away and invited especially for the reputation of the rigor of her vocabulary, the popularity of her repertoire, her outspokenness, her ability to "dictionary" (in the Rodrigues musicological glossary, the word "dictionary" can be transformed into a verb: “to dictionary” which could be defined as "Giving one's true meaning, one's true definition, one's true vocation, or adapting the most appropriate adjective to a word, a person, an event, a behavior") spontaneously on any subject, one's vigor to publicly issue injunctions to those who have - publicly or privately - transgressed the rules of good conduct, and one's ability to guarantee the success of the ball. The importance of the "maréchale" is emphasized in a song by the late Julie Collet, a great figure of Rodrigues social songs, now deceased: "Depi Maréchale inn mor, nepli enan konpozer dan Rodrigues. Zis mo tousel reste pou al diksioner partou...!”

Translation: "Since Maréchale has deceased, there is no longer a compositor in Rodrigues. I'm the only one left to go and 'dictionary' all over the island. »

While the men heat up the drum in order to give the skin the necessary tension, the maréchale teaches those around her the sega she has just composed, most often spontaneously. The rodriguan sega usually consists of four short sentences arranged in a call-and-response format. The marechale launches the first phrase of the song, and the assembly, composed of a women's choir with idiophones in hand, responds to this call by singing the second phrase of the text. The soloist responds to the chorus with the third phrase, and the choir closes the sega with the final phrase. This is repeated until the drum head cools down and can no longer produce the proper sound. The song always ends in a hubbub of laughter and exclamations of joy. The drum must then be warmed up again and it is of these few minutes that the maréchale takes advantage of to compose the next sega, most often on a saucy, insulting and mocking text. The subjects, which can be an event, a deviation in behavior, the faults of a person present, or a simple news item, are communicated to her in turn by the members of the audience. This explains why the text of the sega is composed of only four short sentences repeated to satiety.

An important aspect of sega is that it cannot be taken out of context, which would cause it to lose all its meaning and value. This explains why some segas can only make sense on the day, date and place where it was composed.

According to the observations of Quebec ethnomusicologist Brigitte Desrosiers, « c’est dans la composition des textes de ségas que s’exprime tout le génie rodriguais. Malgré sa brièveté, le texte de séga est construit de façon structurée. Il suit des règles de prosodie destinées à rendre intelligible les quelques mots exprimant l’histoire que l’on désire communiquer. Le séga est un court texte bourré d’ellipses qui raconte une histoire que tous doivent connaître afin d’en comprendre le sens. Il agit comme une sorte de momento et son caractère crypté et métaphorique vient atténuer le commentaire parfois féroce qu’il recèle. Le séga est un chant qui renvoie à des situations réelles de la vie quotidienne. Tout évènement, petit ou grand, pouvait être mis en chanson. Mais, le plus souvent, ces textes, critiques et moqueurs, avaient pour fonction de stigmatiser les comportements déviants et servaient de soupapes aux conflits vécus par la petite communauté. En général, la création d’un séga restait un phénomène spontané et éphémère et survivait rarement à la situation qui l’avait fait naître. Il était conçu pour une occasion particulière et souvent composé sur place ».

Translation: "it is in the composition of sega texts that all the Rodrigues genius is expressed. Despite its brevity, the sega text is composed in a structured way. It follows rules of prosody designed to make intelligible the few words expressing the story one wishes to communicate. The sega is a short text full of ellipses that tells a story that everyone must know in order to understand its meaning. It acts as a kind of momento and its cryptic and metaphorical character mitigates the sometimes ferocious commentary it contains. Sega is a song that refers to real-life situations. Any event, big or small, could be set into song. But, more often than not, these texts, critical and mocking, had the function of stigmatizing deviant behavior and served as valves for the conflicts experienced by the small community. In general, the creation of a sega remained a spontaneous and ephemeral phenomenon and rarely survived the situation that gave rise to it. It was designed for a special occasion and often composed on the spot." ‍

Some examples of the different aspects of sega, including the "Sega Gagn tren", the "Sega Lagazet" and the "Patriotic Sega":

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The "Sega gagn tren" (Songs of Quarrel)

Text in Rodrigues Creole

Se mesye pas partou
Rod ti koson pou aste
Touri koson inn met anzavel
Anba lili kot Sia
Se mesye pa ti konen
Si karapat anvole
Karapat inn pous lezel
Anba lili kot Sia !

Translation

The gentleman walks around the village
Looking for piglets to buy
Yet sows are piling up
Under Sia's bed
The gentleman didn't know
If the carapates could fly
Still, the carapates have grown wings
Under the bed at Sia's.

The story takes place at a place called "Anse Coco" in Mourouk. Sia is a single mother with four daughters. The girls, still in their teens, turn out to be promiscuous and, like their mother, welcome lovers into their homes in the evening. The whole village knows about it and one of the lovers of one of the girls replies to a person who asked him about his regular presence in the village, that he was looking for piglets to buy.

At the Saturday ball, Julie sings about this family. For her, a gentleman goes around the village looking for piglets while sows (touri koson: a term used to designate a woman who gives herself to the first comer) are piled up under the bed at Sia's house. As this practice is considered immoral by society, the singer speaks of this uncleanliness in the literal sense to say that tic-tac-toe (a term substituted here to make it clear that Sia's daughters are animals – touri Koson) have wings in this family. The expression, normally figurative, is put to the proper note expressly to serve as a warning to young men and warn them of the danger to which they expose themselves if they dare to rub shoulders with these girls. The term "karapat anvole" makes it very clear that sexually transmitted diseases are transmissible.

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The "Sega lagazet" (Transmission of village gossip)

Text in Rodrigues Creole

Mo sort Palisad, mo ale
Mo al lor montagn Martic
Pou mo'al rod dibwa trwa fey
Ayo ! Pa ti gagn dibwa trwa fey
Mo kozinn ti demann mwan
Ki maladi to gagne,
To'ape rod dibwa trwa fey ?
Ayo ! Mo gagn maladi anvole !

Translation

I leave Palissade and go away
I'm going to Mont Malartic
To go and pick the three-leaved wood
Alas! I couldn't find the three-leaved wood
My cousin asks me what illness I have
To need the three-leaved wood
Alas! I suffer from the disease that flies (or causes one to fly).

Another version of this sega was composed in 1936 by a woman called “Pak-pak”, the wife of one Joseph Allas, an inhabitant of Mont Charlot. This version was composed, sung and popularized by Julie Collet over a period of more than 35 years since 1976.

The marshal "composes" one of her neighbors who spends her time chasing men. She can't stabilize herself emotionally or keep a single lover, and lets herself be guided by her sexual impulses (gagn maladi anvole). Indeed, she is going to sleep with her lovers on Mont Malartic. To her cousin who inquired about her comings and goings on this mountain, she replied that she was going there to gather three-leaved wood. It is at the Saturday night ball that the "Maréchale" reveals that she suffers from "maladi anvole" - sentimental instability.

An analysis of the lyrics of this song can lead us to two very distinct interpretations of the "maladi anvole". Either, as the hypothesis put forward above, the person alluded to in the song suffers from a "maladi anvole" that prevents her from stabilizing herself and staying with a single lover, or it is the disease she suffers from that is contagious (anvole = is transmitted from one person to another).

The second hypothesis is supported by the fact that the person is looking for the three-leaved wood, a rare plant that has curative properties against certain venereal diseases.

In Rodrigues, the term "three-leaved wood" refers to the blackbird tree (Allophylus cobbe), a small treegrowing up to 5 to 6 metres in height, from the Sapindaceae family. Once present in the three Mascarene Islands, it has become extremely rare in Rodrigues where, some time ago – about 1974, only three specimens were recorded in the Grande Montagne nature reserve. In the traditional Rodrigues pharmacopoeia, a decoction of the leaves of the three-leaf wood is used, orally, against venereal diseases, especially gonorrhea. The song also reveals the appropriate date the song was composed: after 1974, the latest date that the latest specimen of the blackbird tree was found on the Grande Montagne.

The fact that the song's composer knows that Three-Leaf Wood can cure "maladi anvole " reminds us of the woman's knowledge of the island's obstetric traditions, of herbal medicines, and of diseases that are not "diseases of God" and that "doctors – modern medicine - cannot cure".

The "Patriotic Sega"

Text in Rodrigues Creole‍

Misye Rousset inn arive
Ala nou pei ine refer
Misye Brouard lor sez
Nou tir li, nou zet parter !

Translation

Mr. Rousset has arrived
Now our country is going to get back on its feet
Mr. Brouard was in the chair
We took him off and threw him on the ground.

Magistrate Raoul Brouard arrived in Rodrigues on 5 April 1930 to take up the position of administrator. As he was a rough, authoritarian and arrogant man, he quickly alienated the entire population. Especially since there was, at that time, a certain Madame Mangénie, wife of the Mauritian doctor stationed on the island, who took the side of the common people against the administrator. Wishing to put administrative affairs in order, Brouard one day ordered that on the day of the sale of the animals by local breeders at Port Mathurin, he should deduct from the farmers' receipts the sums due as a tax to the local authorities.

On 17 July 1930, while the ship  "Le Norvégien" was  loading goods for its departure for Mauritius the next day, more than 2,000 people arrived in Port Mathurin under the leadership of a man named Gervais Mercure, an inhabitant of Patate Théophile, to protest against the way the country was administered by Raoul Brouard.

While Brouard was hearing business in court, Gervais Mercure, his brother Henri, and a few friends came to warn him that they had had enough of him and that he had to leave the island by boat, otherwise they would force him onto the ship “Le Norvégien” which was at berth. Brouard and the members of the “Eastern Telegraph Company” used cunning to gain time and, finally, a boat arrived with police officers to arrest the Mercure brothers, who were to be sentenced in Mauritius. However, Raoul Brouard was replaced by P. Rousset on 20 December of the same year. It is to greet the arrival of the latter on the island that this song was composed.‍

As for the melodies, none were composed in Rodrigues. There is a relatively small set of melody-types, specific to the different islands of the region, which are used in the composition of segas. The new texts are therefore composed on existing melodies or on variations of them. As the people do not sing only for entertainment, they need to express themselves or give their opinion on the events that mark their existence, news from the village, the actions of the people around them. The melody thus becomes a base supporting the rhythmic contribution of the instruments and leaves all the importance to the text.

The dress for the drum ball is free for men, i.e. the wearing of trousers and a shirt. As for women, they must wear a dress or skirt with a length limited to below the knee, and the underskirt is compulsory, the Rodrigues woman being obliged, by socio-cultural modesty, never to show the part of her legs above her knees. To perform the dance, she must hold her skirt at mid-length, not at the extreme lower end, and sway her hips in such a way that she never reveals publicly what should not be. Otherwise, she can be the subject of the next sega.

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Instruments

Since the “Bal tambour” was born in conditions of the sufferings of colonial slavery, its instrumental accompaniment remained strictly rhythmic, with the drum (it takes two to ensure a real sega atmosphere) as the central instrument. It consists of a circular frame made of a slice of bird wood on which a goat skin, or more rarely a sheepskin, is glued. Three or four pairs of small cymbalettes cut out of metal sheet are inserted into the wooden circle at equal distances in order to enrich the rhythm and increase the sound volume.

As soon as the "marechale" has uttered the first statement of the text, the drum must make its entrance, followed by the triangle, the clapping of the hands, and the idiophones – the "mayos", empty tin cans, coins rubbed on a bottle, the "katia-katia", the shells, or any object capable of producing a dry and clear sound. When the drum cools down, the drummers strike several loud taps (sizonne) on the edge of their drum to announce the end of the sega. And it it’s time for everyone to sip a glass of “Baka⁴”.

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Dance

When rhythm has gained prominence, a "semeuse⁵" (a term for women in Rodrigues musicological jargon) rushes into the centre of the improvised dance floor and begins to dance. She is followed by a "cavalier" (male dancer) who, while executing movements from left to right and swaying his hips, comes to "steer" her and show off his talents. However, he should never touch the woman. After a few seconds, any other "cavalier" who wants to enter the dance must interrupt the couple's dance by swaying in front of the first dancer, who normally must leave the dance floor, his dance having been "cut". But sometimes in a competitive spirit, he does not want to give way and, with his arms, prevents the new "cavalier" from appropriating his "semeuse". A duel, which can go as far as a stampede, ensues to win the "semeuse" who can choose to retire to be replaced by another. The "rite" takes place in this way until the drum cools down. The ball ends with a drinking song and a long dance, commonly known as the "Madelon⁶", at sunrise.

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Unique musical behaviour

The uniqueness of Rodrigues sega lies in the fact that each sega tells a true story that has taken place at a given time and is told in the vernacular. Even when it is a question of someone who is reproached for his misconduct, he is quoted in the text, unless the "maréchale" considers that he should be reprimanded indirectly. Therefore, if the slightest word is altered or removed, the sega loses its value and can no longer be placed in its true historical and social context. By the way, in Rodrigues, sega is not only a musical practice, but a way of life, because the entire existence of the Rodriguan is regulated by his musical behavior.

Yet, despite the fact that the Rodriguan people consider the “sega tambour” as the key musical element of their identity in parallel with their creole language, it should be noted that they themselves adopt discriminatory attitudes towards this musical form in certain circumstances. In all matters relating to the rules of gallantry, love and marriage, the sega tambour is severely marginalized, considered a demeaning element. Thus, marriage proposals, and all the ceremonial surrounding the celebration of a wedding are done exclusively in French. Moreover, the sega tambour, not being a ballroom dance, is not allowed at weddings. Still, it is the main guest for romantic breakups.

Another interesting fact is that the composition of sega texts is the prerogative of women alone, the role of men being reserved for beating the drum or giving the answer to the "maréchale" within the choir. The Rodriguan sega also stands out for the speed of its execution, which is much faster than that of the other islands in the region.

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The "Sega-kordeon"

Faced with the Church's ban on the practice of sega tambour, the island's European descendants, mainly Bretons, were confined to their homes and could not afford the pleasures of the sega tambour. The ban weighed all the more heavily on them due to the fact that the priest often visited them. To circumvent it, they organized the "bal souscrit⁷" to the sound of the diatonic accordion and the violin, two instruments of scholarly origin. Nevertheless, they sorely missed the rhythm of the sega. Thus they began to play sega tunes on the accordion with percussion accompaniment, and replaced the drum with a plank box, producing the rhythm of the sega, but with a lower volume that would not reach the ears of the priest.

As this creation quickly took the form of a ballroom dance, it was quickly appropriated by the descendants of slaves at weddings, alongside the waltz, the polka, the mazurka, the scottish or the quadrille.

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The "Sega Mango" (Zariko Music)

Crushed under the weight of modernity, this form of sega has been practiced exclusively for shows for several years. These are essentially work songs related to the activity of the fields, more particularly to the cultivation of beans. For planting, the men used pickaxes with which they made holes ("fose" or "mango") so that the women (the sowers) who followed them could sow the seeds. The sound of pickaxes hitting the ground produced a rhythmic acre to the song. How? The men, placed in a line, drew alternately. While every second man lifted his pickaxe, the others drove it in, creating criss-crossing rhythms.

This activity refers to a sega of mockery that the men sang when they were the first to complete their task and the women were still working.

During harvesting, the bean was placed on a tarpaulin for "threshing", a useful exercise to get the seeds out of the pods. The activity, in which the whole village participated, gave rise to songs called "sega baté". Each man then used a stick that he operated - to hit the bean pile – in rhythm with the song on an alternating system in order to keep up the rhythm.

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Sega as a social moderator

Born in the conditions of great suffering of slavery, the sega greatly contributed to the emergence of its own creole identity in a common process of unification, rejecting social cleavages in a vision of rebellion and resistance. This need to be a united force was further consolidated by the appropriation, by all, of the sega tambour among the slaves of the "plantocracy" in order to unify their energies on a common goal. Since then, this spirit of coming together and the need for unification has taught the creole peoples the need to stick together in difficult times.

However, the people of Rodrigues, as a post-slavery society, have been able, because of their distance from the so-called "civilized" world and the great waves of development, to preserve this culture of putting aside their differences in order to focus their energies on fighting all that prevent them from moving forward. The sega-tambour has thus become a space for solidarity, dialogue, forgiveness, and reconciliation.

Festive gatherings, on occasions loke New Year's festivities, dominated by sega and the moralizing discourse of the elders, have always been a decisive factor in the resolution of conflictual relations between members of the same family, secondly to the neighbors of the village, and finally to the whole of society. Especially since in the cultivation practices, everyone needs everyone for planting and harvesting, a hard work that was done in an atmosphere of solidarity, unity, fraternity and sharing. This resulted in the strengthening and consolidation of social ties and relationships.

These meetings are also an opportunity to exchange experiences and pass on knowledge and know-how to younger generations or those from different backgrounds, thus contributing to social and economic well-being

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An important heritage that must be preserved

Created under conditions of the worst suffering that humanity has ever known, sega is one of the kingpins of our rich cultural heritage. It is therefore everyone's duty to do everything possible to preserve and promote it. Inscribed on the list of the Intangible World Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO, on December 7, 2017, the sega tambour of Rodrigues, an island known as the "Little Conservatory of the Mascarene Islands", has greatly contributed to offering the Republic of Mauritius a prominent place on the world musical map. Since then, a number of researchers and ethnomusicologists have continued to publish books and papers on musical behaviour on Rodrigues Island

The sega of Rodrigues has long supported the Rodrigues creole language and reciprocity is just as true in the preservation of expressions, proverbs, tales and legends, metaphors, historical landmarks, popular belief, jokes, and everything that constitutes Rodrigues living together. And the republic has a moral duty to support this element, which contributes greatly to the cultural diversity of which Mauritius never ceases to flatter itself.

This element, on the verge of extinction in the 1970s, was preserved thanks to the prompt intervention and dynamism of great names such as Ruy Karl Allas, among other cultural activists, who were able to inject the necessary energy for Rodrigues to initiate the awakening of identity and cultural revivalism of 1977. This initiative needs to be supported and promoted. Especially since Rodrigues still retains several important elements that have long disappeared from the Mauritian cultural repertoire. Because, it is true that since the disappearance of the Mauritian griot Jean Alphonse Ravaton, known as "Ti Frère" (the last Mauritian "segatier" to practice the same sega as that of Rodrigues), a whole part of the cultural history of Mauritius has disappeared.

Illustrating this form of sega in her article entitled "Chanter la querelle: le séga de Ti Frèr", Caroline Déodat writes: « Il s’agit surtout de scènes de querelle sur des faits du quotidien, qui vont de la discorde amicale à la dispute conjugale, de la misère du chômage à celle de l’alcoolisme et de la violence. Les critiques et les commentaires hostiles qui se déploient au sein de la fiction couvrent des intentions sociales : rappeler de manière indirecte des règles de bonne conduite à l’ensemble de la communauté présente lors du séga ».

Translation: "These are above all scenes of quarrels over everyday facts, which range from friendly discord to marital disputes, from the misery of unemployment to that of alcoholism and violence. The hostile criticisms and comments that unfold within the fiction cover social intentions: to indirectly remind the entire community present at  the sega of the rules of good conduct ."

And for the Rodriguans, sega is not just four short phrases repeated to satiety on an old African music rhythm in the background, but is the key to living together, to solidarity, to the proverbial conviviality that all and everyone knows Rodriguans for, and that is specific to them. The people of Rodrigues don't just sing for entertainment. He needs to express himself or give his opinion on the events that mark his life, news from the village, the actions of the people around him, but above all, what he needs is to be shown respect for who he is and what he aspires to.

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^1. A rattle or pouch made of sewn pandanus leaves, containing acacia or bean seeds.

^2. These are pieces of wood that have been more or less reworked together. The mayos are cut from plywood about 1 cm thick, which helps to enhance their sound power. The rhythms produced with these taps are identical to those of the hands, but with a higher volume of sound.

^3. It is the name of one of the largest sega composers on the island. Since her death, her name has been attributed to all sega composers as a common name.

⁴ A local imitation of wine which is, in fact, a mixture of local fruits fermented in sugar for a period ranging from three weeks to a month.

^5. A term for women who are responsible for planting the seeds during beans plantation works and which has been extended to female dancers in general.

^5.  Dancing accompanied by “drinking songs” to close the traditional rodriguan ball.

^7. Private restricted ball to which the guests contribute financially to cover the costs of drinks and appetizers.

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